November 30, 2008
Renew America
by Michael Gaynor
If the Obama administration arrogantly disregards the
implications of the Mumbai attack and foolishly fails to heed the
advice of the Attorney General and Mrs. Long, it will violate its
constitutional duty to "provide for the common defence, promote the
general welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves
and our Posterity...."
President-Elect Obama needs to learn from the mistakes of the
Clinton administration and the success of the second Bush
administration and treat the War on Terror as a war, not a
crime.
Attorney General Michael Mukasey and Judicial Confirmation Network
Counsel Wendy E. Long are right about the law on terror.
The terrible terrorist attack on Mumbai, India put an exclamation
on what the Attorney General explained and Mrs. Long subsequently
emphasized as the mainstream media paid much more attention to the
Attorney General's collapse during his speech than to his speech's
content.
Mrs. Long did not stint in praising the Attorney General's
excellent legal analysis:
"Last Thursday night, at the annual gala of the Federalist Society,
Attorney General Michael Mukasey delivered a keynote address that
will go down as a speech of historic proportions: a solemn,
powerful, and disarmingly blunt apologia for the Bush
Administration's legal positions and actions in War on Terror.
"The tough, no-nonsense, stoic former Chief Judge of the U.S.
District Court in Manhattan, who inherited from his predecessor,
Alberto Gonzales, a Justice Department that had become a shooting
target for liberal critics in Congress, the legal academy, and the
media, answered those critics head-on.
"And he put down a marker for the incoming Obama administration:
given the dangers involved and the stakes for the security of
Americans, there will have to be a better reason than the empty
criticisms voiced to date to justify an Obama departure from the
Bush legal architecture."
EXACTLY!
Unfortunately, the Attorney General's collapse during the speech
was a distraction from his powerful message.
Fortunately for America, the tragic Mundai terrorist attack proved
the Attorney General's main point BEFORE the next Congress convenes
and the President-Elect is inaugurated next month.
Mrs. Long: "The familiar refrain that the War on Terror has
trampled constitutional rights, civil liberties, and even the rule
of law itself rests 'on a very dangerous form of amnesia that views
the success of our counterterrorism efforts as something that
undermines the justification for continuing them.' Because the
Administration's strategy has been 'successful based on what
matters most' — that in the more than seven years since September
11, 2001, Al Qaeda hasn't launched another terrorist attack on
American soil — the critics seem to assume that Al Qaeda 'never
posed much of a threat after all.'"
That's because the Left and its media allies were intent on denying
President George W. Bush credit for what he did very well: prevent
another attack on the Homeland by taking the fight to the enemy
elsewhere as well as being vigilant.
Mrs. Long assessed the situation realistically, quoting the
Attorney General:
"...[T]he threat that materialized on 9/11 was as unprecedented as
it was real. The fact that '19 lightly armed terrorists could
murder nearly 3,000 Americans' in the 'most catastrophic attack on
our homeland since Pearl Harbor,' Mukasey said, created a new kind
of 'asymmetric warfare' that forced President Bush and his advisors
to reassess and revise not just the military, but also the legal,
tools to fight back. The Bush response, as he summarized it, was
to:
- Declare war: Some critics still argue that 'war' in this
situation is unjustified. One does not declare war on isolated
instances of crime. But systematic terrorism can't be addressed
after the fact, as America did as late as the 1990s, just by
sending the FBI to collect evidence and then prosecuting the
perpetrators. Indeed, Osama bin Laden was already under indictment
for the bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. On
September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration finally recognized the
war that Al Qaeda and other groups had declared years earlier.
- Capture and detain the enemy: Unlike ordinary criminals who are
apprehended, indicted, and often freed on bail, terrorist warriors
captured by the U.S. military should not be returned to the
battlefield (or released to join it). They needed to be detained,
and where appropriate in military judgment, transferred to the U.S.
naval station at Guantanamo Bay.
- Reorganize government to keep Americans safe from attack:
Domestic security agencies throughout the executive branch were
brought under the umbrella of the new Department of Homeland
Security, and a 'Director of National Intelligence' was established
to coordinate intelligence efforts in tracking and preventing
terrorist attacks. The FBI was restructured to gather intelligence
beforehand, not just gather evidence after, attacks.
- Enhance intelligence gathering: The lightning pace of
technological advances in recent years required new legislation —
the Patriot Act and modernization of the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act — to allow analysts, investigators, and
intelligence professionals to access data about the enemy's
communications and movements."
The Constitution is not a suicide pact.
The Attorney General rightly dismissed the foolhardy critics.
Mrs. Long dismissed and refuted the carping critics this way:
"Typical of the critics of these and other Bush legal policies,
Mukasey said, was the head of a nonpartisan legal organization who
gave a speech condemning the 'oppressive, relentless, and lawless
attack by our own government on the rule of law and our liberty.'
Mukasey noted that the lawyer didn't rely for his criticisms on the
text of the Constitution, statutes, treaties, or laws. Instead, he
cited the
New York Times, the
Washington Post, and
the
New York Review of Books. There has been a widespread
condemnation of the Bush War on Terror by critics who fail to
distinguish between 'whether a course of action is permitted as a
matter of law, and whether that course of action is prudent as a
matter of policy.'
"And even when legal arguments are raised against the Bush
policies, they fail to acknowledge that there is an equally, if not
more, powerful legal justification to support the Bush course in
uncharted waters when Americans' safety and security is at stake.
For example, the Bush position that such non-citizens held abroad
cannot use the U.S. civil courts to challenge their detention is
grounded in the text of the Constitution, historical practice, and
— before several months ago — Supreme Court precedent.
"As Mukasey noted, even the majority of the Supreme Court in the
recent
Boumedienne decision (allowing Guantanamo inmates to
file habeas corpus petitions in U.S. federal courts challenging
their detention) acknowledged that the Court had never before held
that noncitizens detained by our government outside the United
States had any rights under our Constitution. (Hitler's 'willing
executioners' would doubtless have been pleased to assert their
rights under the U.S. Constitution to challenge their detention
while awaiting trial at Nuremberg.)
"Now that a 5-4 majority of the Supreme Court has given those
detainees such 'rights' (the text of Constitution actually calls
the writ of habeas corpus a 'privilege,' and says that it 'shall
not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the
public Safety may require it'), the first federal court rulings
handed down last week ordered 5 of the first 6 detainees released.
In an op-ed piece published in the Wall Street Journal the morning
after his speech, Mukasey said the general problem with these
hearings is the attempt to apply 'a civil litigation framework to
wartime decisions that often must be made on the basis of the best
available intelligence.' Accordingly, he warned, courts are going
to arrive at different answers in the some 250 Guantanamo habeas
cases now pending. And 'I fear,' he said, that some of those
answers will 'create risks for our national security.'"
Mrs. Long explained that the Bush haters' demands for
investigations are politically, not legally, based:
"Bush antagonists in Congress have asked the Attorney General to
appoint a special counsel to open a criminal investigation into the
actions of the President, cabinet members, administration lawyers,
and intelligence officers in connection with CIA interrogation of
captured members of Al Qaeda. Mukasey said they've presented no
evidence that these government officials acted with 'any motive
other than a good-faith desire to protect the citizens of our
Nation from a future terrorist attack,' and there is no indication
that any government official 'sought to authorize any policy that
violated our laws.'"
It was fitting, in a peculiar way, that a heckler interrupted the
Attorney General's speech before he collapsed, and Mrs. Long did
not hesitate to make the point that the Attorney General did
not.
Mrs. Long: "IRONICALLY, IN THE MIDDLE of Mukasey's speech about
opponents of the War failing to make their case in law or reason,
he was interrupted by a heckler — a state court judge — who stood
and shouted at him, 'Tyrant! You ARE a tyrant!' Pausing briefly to
look in the direction of the heckler, but returning immediately to
his speech, Mukasey was too much of a gentleman to quash the
outburst by saying that such wild charges and name-calling
illustrated precisely the point of his remarks."
In the War on Terror, being a perfect gentleman or lady is NOT
necessarily the best strategy, as Henry Stimson, Secretary of War
during World War II, learned.
Mrs. Long lamented both the Attorney General's collapse and the
distraction that followed, as follows: "The Attorney General made
it almost to the end of his speech, and then, suddenly and
inexplicably, he faltered and collapsed. Shock and concern over his
collapse overshadowed his final point: that the Bush administration
had tried 'to make sure that our counterterrorism efforts stood on
a sound institutional and legal footing so that the next Attorney
General and the new Administration have what they need to assure
the safety of the Nation.'"
Mrs. Long continued:
"The Obama administration, as he noted, will review those
institutions and legal decisions that have kept us safe for the
past seven years. He expressed 'hope' that the Obama administration
'understands the threat we continue to face and that it shares the
priority we have placed on remaining on the offense to prevent
future terrorist attacks.'
"As we left the ballroom after the Attorney General was rushed to
the hospital, those present had a dual sense of uncertainty — about
his condition and about the future course of the War on Terror.
"As to the former, thankfully, the word came within hours that the
Attorney General was well. As to the latter, one can say only one
thing for sure: the Mukasey speech is one that history will
vindicate, in one way or another."
If the Obama administration arrogantly disregards the implications
of the Mumbai attack and foolishly fails to heed the advice of the
Attorney General and Mrs. Long, it will violate its constitutional
duty to "provide for the common defence, promote the general
welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our
Posterity...."