Citizens Dedicated To Preserving Our Constitutional Republic
The RNC is preparing a brokered convention...to not allow Marco Rubio to win...They will bring in an establishment candidate to give it to that candidate...What can be done about that..We know it will be Jeb or Rubio..They can do this because of the ways that they have structured the riles...this is incredible.. the pick at a brokered convention never wins..they said FDR was the last to ever win a brokered convention.What they are really doing is saying they had rather elect Hillary than have Trump win............I AM TOO DISGUSTED FOR WORDS
UPDATE:
The big winner in Iowa’s Republican caucuses on Monday night might not have been Ted Cruz. It may have been a nominating process that fails to yield a clear winner. A clear winner being a candidate who goes to Cleveland this summer with the presidential nomination in hand.
At the end of Monday night, which count really mattered? Delegates acquired. As of this writing, Cruz has bagged eight delegates, Trump and Rubio, seven each, with four other delegates going to also-rans.
Raw vote totals are what most folk tend to watch and weigh. But in 2016, it pays to more closely follow the candidates’ delegate totals. Thanks to the Republican National Committee (RNC), caucuses and primaries held prior to mid-March mandate proportional distribution of delegates based on candidates’ vote totals in given contests. Most early caucuses and primaries impose threshold minimums to win delegates (say, Alabama, with a 20% threshold).
Prior to Mid-March, 25 States, along with DC, Guam, and Puerto Rico, will hold proportional contests. That accounts for 1,022 bound delegates (“bound” being delegates committed to a candidate for the first vote). 45% of the bound delegates will be picked proportionally or in “hybrid” formats, which include triggering provisions for larger delegate yields for candidates who meet higher vote percentage thresholds. There are WTA (winner-take-all) thresholds, but those will be quite difficult to achieve.
Starting with Super Tuesday, March 15, most of the remaining states have opted to hold winner-take-all contests, though a handful will continue to make proportional distributions. From mid-March forward, 1,238 bound delegates will be chosen (Colorado’s delegates declare at convention).
The number of delegates needed to secure the GOP nomination is 1,237. There are a number of unbound (3 per state) and unpledged delegates. The unpledged delegates are mostly establishment picks who would factor in at a deadlocked convention.
Short of a breakout by one the major contenders (Trump, Cruz, and Rubio), it’s not hard to imagine a scenario where the proportional phase of the nominating process yields tightly packed delegate counts among the three. Complicating matters is if new life is breathed into the Carson, Kasich, or Christe campaigns (as improbable as that appears).
But, say you, won’t the nomination fight be resolved with Super Tuesday and the subsequent contests?
That could happen, but consider this prospect. Cruz, Rubio, and Trump take roughly a third each of the delegates in the proportional phase. For illustration, say, 340 delegates per man. That means in the winner-take-all phase, one of the principals would need to capture 897 of the available 1,238 bound delegates to win. That’s about 73% of the total or three out of every four delegates. Possible, but how likely? This assumes, too, that the principals are competitive with one another, affording each the chance to pick off states.
Cruz, Trump, and Rubio have the resources to stay the course. Trump is self-funding. Cruz’s fundraising operation is already solid and benefits all the more from his Iowa win. Rubio’s stronger than anticipated finish in Iowa boosts his fundraising. And as Rubio consolidates establishment voters -- as he began doing in Iowa -- and lesser establishment candidates drop out, expect a significant upswing in his campaign’s financial fortunes.
Writes Michael Snyder at “Before It’s News”:
[I]f no candidate is able to secure enough delegates, that means that we would end up with a “brokered convention”. The mechanics of a brokered convention can get quite complicated, but on a practical level what that would essentially mean is that the party establishment would get to hand select the nominee. And in case you are wondering, that would not be Donald Trump or Ted Cruz.
Snyder’s assessment is flawed in a couple of respects (though not his conclusion about the candidates).
“Deadlocked” versus a “brokered” convention, the more accurate designation is “deadlocked.” A brokered convention suggests that party bosses call the shots nearly exclusively. The party boss era in American politics is long past.
Though unpledged delegates -- who are likely establishment recruits -- will play a critical role at a deadlocked convention, it’s important to remember that bound delegates are only committed to their candidates on the first ballot.
Thereafter, they’re unbound. Candidates’ and, perhaps, dark horses’ (yes, a draft is possible) primary focus for vote gathering will be among all those plentiful unbound state delegates. If the convention deadlocks, it’s going to be the Wild West, with plenty of wheeling and dealing, barroom brawls, shoot-outs, shenanigans, and backroom deals. But all that will occur across delegations and not just among the establishment few.
Snyder’s guess that the nominee won’t be named “Cruz” or “Trump” should a deadlock occur is reasonable. Deadlocked conventions -- if past brokered conventions are any guide -- tend to nominee candidates who at least appear more centrist or moderate. At a deadlocked 2016 Cleveland affair, the buzz word may be “electable.” Right now, Marco Rubio seems to fit the bill. As Snyder pointed out in his article, that’s not an endorsement; it’s merely an observation.
If the Republican field narrows to two principal candidates, then the chances for a deadlocked convention melt away. But if, as anticipated, Cruz, Trump, and Rubio (and possibly one or two others) remain in the race, then a deadlocked convention moves from “maybe” to “probable” with each passing primary, caucus, and state convention. The Republican presidential nominee who emerges will have done so after the fight of his political life – and ours.
The big winner in Iowa’s Republican caucuses on Monday night might not have been Ted Cruz. It may have been a nominating process that fails to yield a clear winner. A clear winner being a candidate who goes to Cleveland this summer with the presidential nomination in hand.
At the end of Monday night, which count really mattered? Delegates acquired. As of this writing, Cruz has bagged eight delegates, Trump and Rubio, seven each, with four other delegates going to also-rans.
Raw vote totals are what most folk tend to watch and weigh. But in 2016, it pays to more closely follow the candidates’ delegate totals. Thanks to the Republican National Committee (RNC), caucuses and primaries held prior to mid-March mandate proportional distribution of delegates based on candidates’ vote totals in given contests. Most early caucuses and primaries impose threshold minimums to win delegates (say, Alabama, with a 20% threshold).
Prior to Mid-March, 25 States, along with DC, Guam, and Puerto Rico, will hold proportional contests. That accounts for 1,022 bound delegates (“bound” being delegates committed to a candidate for the first vote). 45% of the bound delegates will be picked proportionally or in “hybrid” formats, which include triggering provisions for larger delegate yields for candidates who meet higher vote percentage thresholds. There are WTA (winner-take-all) thresholds, but those will be quite difficult to achieve.
Starting with Super Tuesday, March 15, most of the remaining states have opted to hold winner-take-all contests, though a handful will continue to make proportional distributions. From mid-March forward, 1,238 bound delegates will be chosen (Colorado’s delegates declare at convention).
The number of delegates needed to secure the GOP nomination is 1,237. There are a number of unbound (3 per state) and unpledged delegates. The unpledged delegates are mostly establishment picks who would factor in at a deadlocked convention.
Short of a breakout by one the major contenders (Trump, Cruz, and Rubio), it’s not hard to imagine a scenario where the proportional phase of the nominating process yields tightly packed delegate counts among the three. Complicating matters is if new life is breathed into the Carson, Kasich, or Christe campaigns (as improbable as that appears).
But, say you, won’t the nomination fight be resolved with Super Tuesday and the subsequent contests?
That could happen, but consider this prospect. Cruz, Rubio, and Trump take roughly a third each of the delegates in the proportional phase. For illustration, say, 340 delegates per man. That means in the winner-take-all phase, one of the principals would need to capture 897 of the available 1,238 bound delegates to win. That’s about 73% of the total or three out of every four delegates. Possible, but how likely? This assumes, too, that the principals are competitive with one another, affording each the chance to pick off states.
Cruz, Trump, and Rubio have the resources to stay the course. Trump is self-funding. Cruz’s fundraising operation is already solid and benefits all the more from his Iowa win. Rubio’s stronger than anticipated finish in Iowa boosts his fundraising. And as Rubio consolidates establishment voters -- as he began doing in Iowa -- and lesser establishment candidates drop out, expect a significant upswing in his campaign’s financial fortunes.
Writes Michael Snyder at “Before It’s News”:
[I]f no candidate is able to secure enough delegates, that means that we would end up with a “brokered convention”. The mechanics of a brokered convention can get quite complicated, but on a practical level what that would essentially mean is that the party establishment would get to hand select the nominee. And in case you are wondering, that would not be Donald Trump or Ted Cruz.
Snyder’s assessment is flawed in a couple of respects (though not his conclusion about the candidates).
“Deadlocked” versus a “brokered” convention, the more accurate designation is “deadlocked.” A brokered convention suggests that party bosses call the shots nearly exclusively. The party boss era in American politics is long past.
Though unpledged delegates -- who are likely establishment recruits -- will play a critical role at a deadlocked convention, it’s important to remember that bound delegates are only committed to their candidates on the first ballot.
Thereafter, they’re unbound. Candidates’ and, perhaps, dark horses’ (yes, a draft is possible) primary focus for vote gathering will be among all those plentiful unbound state delegates. If the convention deadlocks, it’s going to be the Wild West, with plenty of wheeling and dealing, barroom brawls, shoot-outs, shenanigans, and backroom deals. But all that will occur across delegations and not just among the establishment few.
Snyder’s guess that the nominee won’t be named “Cruz” or “Trump” should a deadlock occur is reasonable. Deadlocked conventions -- if past brokered conventions are any guide -- tend to nominee candidates who at least appear more centrist or moderate. At a deadlocked 2016 Cleveland affair, the buzz word may be “electable.” Right now, Marco Rubio seems to fit the bill. As Snyder pointed out in his article, that’s not an endorsement; it’s merely an observation.
If the Republican field narrows to two principal candidates, then the chances for a deadlocked convention melt away. But if, as anticipated, Cruz, Trump, and Rubio (and possibly one or two others) remain in the race, then a deadlocked convention moves from “maybe” to “probable” with each passing primary, caucus, and state convention. The Republican presidential nominee who emerges will have done so after the fight of his political life – and ours.
Read more: http://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2016/02/cleveland_cliffhang...
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After reading once again that Ted Cruz is too extreme to be elected president, I went to his website to determine wherein lies this purported extremism.
The bottom line is that Cruz’s positions are merely good common sense. In fact, they represent the minimum that is required if the American Republic is to survive.
Here is an outline of Cruz’s positions, in the order that the website presents them:
The website contains much more detail, and specific examples of Cruz’s actions in each area.
Personally, I question a couple of things. On gay marriage, government benefits available to married couples should be available to same-sex couples via civil contracts, but the rite of marriage should be left to the churches. Abortion is a such a difficult moral problem that I am reluctant to make the choice for anyone else, so it should remain a right, but I approve of measures to ensure that the right is responsibly exercised, and no taxpayer should be forced to pay for abortion. But I certainly do not regard someone who holds a different position as “extreme.”
On other issues, one can quibble here and there, and add a “yes, but”, but the overall vision is one of a strong and proud society that relies on its people, its culture, and its civilization. There is ample room in this vision for lean, competent government, but not for the bloated, incompetent, and corrupt bodies that now exist.
Since the latest polls indicate that trust in government and faith in its competence is at a historic low, this looks like a winning position.
As for those who call this extremism – what would they define as moderation? Pursuing current bankrupt policies to their inevitable bitter end is not moderation but insanity.
James V DeLong is the author of: Ending ‘Big SIS’ (The Special Interest State) & Renewing the Am...
After reading once again that Ted Cruz is too extreme to be elected president, I went to his website to determine wherein lies this purported extremism.
The bottom line is that Cruz’s positions are merely good common sense. In fact, they represent the minimum that is required if the American Republic is to survive.
Here is an outline of Cruz’s positions, in the order that the website presents them:
The website contains much more detail, and specific examples of Cruz’s actions in each area.
Personally, I question a couple of things. On gay marriage, government benefits available to married couples should be available to same-sex couples via civil contracts, but the rite of marriage should be left to the churches. Abortion is a such a difficult moral problem that I am reluctant to make the choice for anyone else, so it should remain a right, but I approve of measures to ensure that the right is responsibly exercised, and no taxpayer should be forced to pay for abortion. But I certainly do not regard someone who holds a different position as “extreme.”
On other issues, one can quibble here and there, and add a “yes, but”, but the overall vision is one of a strong and proud society that relies on its people, its culture, and its civilization. There is ample room in this vision for lean, competent government, but not for the bloated, incompetent, and corrupt bodies that now exist.
Since the latest polls indicate that trust in government and faith in its competence is at a historic low, this looks like a winning position.
As for those who call this extremism – what would they define as moderation? Pursuing current bankrupt policies to their inevitable bitter end is not moderation but insanity.
James V DeLong is the author of: Ending ‘Big SIS’ (The Special Interest State) & Renewing the Am...
Read more: http://www.americanthinker.com/blog/2016/01/cruz_the_moderate.html#...
Follow us: @AmericanThinker on Twitter | AmericanThinker on Facebook
DEBATE SCHEDULE CORRECTIONS.............
IOWA CAUCUS .........MONDAY FEB 1st
NEW HAMPSHIRE,,,,,,TUESDAY FEB 9th
SOUTH CAROLINA PRIMARY.........FEB 20th
NEVADA CAUCUSES ............TUESDAY FEB 23rd
AHhhhhh....say it ain't so Rush
Limbaugh and conservative media take Trump’s bait – Hook line and s... - 1/27/16 January 27, 2016The "Art of the Deal" becomes the art of winning. More
=======================================================================================
Ever since Donald Trump’s rise to 2016-contender prominence, the rap on him, and perhaps part of his broad appeal, has been that he’s not a conservative. And he’s not -- he’s a nationalistic populist. Yet there’s another way to understand The Donald’s professed politics: as that of the first prominent “European-conservative” American presidential candidate. He’s not so much America’s next Ronald Reagan or Barry Goldwater, but her first Marine Le Pen.
A prerequisite for grasping this is first understanding the true natures of liberalism and conservatism. While many have their own definitions of the latter -- and will stubbornly insist they’re correct -- the truth is that both political terms are provisional, meaning different things in different times and places. The term “conservative” in the 1970s referred to a communist in the USSR and someone staunchly anti-communist in the US; and a European conservative today, such as Britain’s David Cameron, is well to the “left” of our conservatives. Many other examples could be provided, but the point is this: liberalism and conservatism are not ideologies as much as processes. Liberalism is the process of inexorably trying to change the status quo; conservatism is the process of trying to preserve the status quo. Thus, what the terms represent will vary depending on the status quo in question.
And when analyzing the Trump phenomenon, it’s clear that it’s roughly the same one evident in much of the West, the one fueling the fortunes of Le Pen in France, the Netherlands’ Geert Wilders (who has endorsed Trump), Britain’s Nigel Farage and Sweden’s Jimmie Åkesson. He also bears much in common with those figures.
Consider the qualities these European politicians share: they’re socially quite liberal. Their views on abortion range from indifference to tolerance to mild skepticism, on faux marriage they range from mild opposition to acceptance. In general, they say as little about these matters as they can and are willing to play to their audience. But then there’s their real passion, about which they generally seem sincere: nationalism, limiting immigration, fighting Muslim terrorism and stopping Islamization. Sound at all familiar?
It’s also common (though not universal) among such figures to talk about preserving their nation’s “Christian heritage.” Now, it’s unimaginable that Le Pen and Wilders spend much time at an altar rail, and were Christian piety the order of the day in Western Europe, it would be easy to see them taking up the cudgels for secularism. But with already sclerotic Christian culture further threatened by a confluence of secularization and Islamization -- and with Muslim chauvinists providing stark reminders of a very unappealing alternative -- they’re inspired to become Crusaders protecting their nation’s Christian veneer.
Likewise, Trump cannot be mistaken for a desert mystic; he stated last summer that he never sought forgiveness from God (doing so is a Christian tenet), and hasn’t demonstrated much acquaintance with the faith. Yet he has also said he’s proud to be a Presbyterian, sometimes attends church and has bemoaned how Christianity is under attack in America. And whether you believe this is piety or posturing, for certain is this: it’s no surprise coming from an apparent nationalist. For being so means defending your nation’s culture, as it is, which in the West includes superficial Christianity. It means wanting to see church steeples and not minarets, crosses and not the star and crescent, and to hear church bells and not the Adhan -- even if you talk more about the Easter Bunny than Jesus.
So what accounts for the popularity in the U.S. of a “European conservative”? The same things accounting for it in across the pond. First, like Western Europe, we’re beset by a political establishment that encourages a culture-rending invasion by unassimilable peoples. And it’s just as with a “hot” invasion: all other problems are put on the back burner when barbarians are at the gate. Have you ever seen a guy wringing his hands about his daughter’s sleazy boyfriend while home invaders are busting down his door?
This helps explain why Trump is attracting support from groups most wouldn’t expect, such as evangelicals. Some find it inexplicable, but I think these believers’ attitude was reflected well by a devout Catholic man I know -- a truly faithful fellow -- who said some years back that he considered immigration an even bigger issue than abortion. His point was that all else is for naught if you’re subjected to demographic genocide and lose your nation.
Then there’s the second reason a European conservative would play well today: the US is becoming more like Europe. A not widely understood phenomenon is that the positions we generally associate with traditional American “conservatism” correlate with Christian belief. This is why church attendance is one of the best predictors of voting habits. Consider: in socialistic Western Europe, more than 50 percent of the population identifies as “irreligious.” Not surprisingly, this reaches a Richard Dawkins Award high in what’s perhaps the world’s most “liberal” country, Sweden, where 76 percent of the citizenry identifies as “not religious” or “atheist” (and how many of the rest are Muslim?). And in once-Marxist, now-fascist China, 90 percent thus label themselves.
The US isn’t yet that far gone, but we’re on the same road. According to Pew Research Center, Americans identifying as Christian declined from 78.4 percent to 70.6 percent of the population in just 7 years (2007 to 2014), and the religiously “unaffiliated” now account for almost a quarter of our nation. This just reflects the increasingly secular nature of succeeding generations: Among those born 1928 through 1945, 85 percent identify as Christian. But there is a steady degeneration of the generations, with only 56 percent of “Younger Millennials” (born ‘90 through ’96) labeling themselves so.
Yet even this paints too optimistic a picture. As this must-read Barna Group research company study found in 2002 already, only 22 percent of adults believed in Absolute Moral Truth while 64 percent said matters were “always relative to the person and their [sic] situation.” And they were practically the “wise elders”: 83 percent of the teenagers subscribed to relativism -- which is the antithesis of Christian belief -- and only 6 percent believed in Truth.
And as Barna head George Barna put it,
“[T]he alarmingly fast decline of moral foundations among our young people has culminated in a one-word worldview: 'whatever.' The result is a mentality that esteems pluralism, relativism, tolerance, and diversity without critical reflection of the implications of particular views and actions."
Put simply and as I’ve explained many times, the notion that there is no Truth means that, in essence, there are no moral rules governing man. It is then that everything boils down to occultist Aleister Crowley’s maxim, “Do what thou wilt shall be the whole of the law.”
Thus does lacking the yardstick of Truth lead to, as Barna also found, people making decisions based on what “feels right.” And now we see the rise of relativistic moderns to whom nationalism and their own culture feel right, which is certainly preferable to the dominance of relativistic moderns to whom internationalism and multiculturalism feel right. Absent acquaintance with and adherence to Truth, however, a civilization will always descend into some kind of lie. So the most we can perhaps hope for is that, to quote Yogi Berra, we won’t one day have to say, “I think I made the wrong mistake.”
Contact Selwyn Duke, follow him on Twitter or log on to SelwynDuke.com
Ever since Donald Trump’s rise to 2016-contender prominence, the rap on him, and perhaps part of his broad appeal, has been that he’s not a conservative. And he’s not -- he’s a nationalistic populist. Yet there’s another way to understand The Donald’s professed politics: as that of the first prominent “European-conservative” American presidential candidate. He’s not so much America’s next Ronald Reagan or Barry Goldwater, but her first Marine Le Pen.
A prerequisite for grasping this is first understanding the true natures of liberalism and conservatism. While many have their own definitions of the latter -- and will stubbornly insist they’re correct -- the truth is that both political terms are provisional, meaning different things in different times and places. The term “conservative” in the 1970s referred to a communist in the USSR and someone staunchly anti-communist in the US; and a European conservative today, such as Britain’s David Cameron, is well to the “left” of our conservatives. Many other examples could be provided, but the point is this: liberalism and conservatism are not ideologies as much as processes. Liberalism is the process of inexorably trying to change the status quo; conservatism is the process of trying to preserve the status quo. Thus, what the terms represent will vary depending on the status quo in question.
And when analyzing the Trump phenomenon, it’s clear that it’s roughly the same one evident in much of the West, the one fueling the fortunes of Le Pen in France, the Netherlands’ Geert Wilders (who has endorsed Trump), Britain’s Nigel Farage and Sweden’s Jimmie Åkesson. He also bears much in common with those figures.
Consider the qualities these European politicians share: they’re socially quite liberal. Their views on abortion range from indifference to tolerance to mild skepticism, on faux marriage they range from mild opposition to acceptance. In general, they say as little about these matters as they can and are willing to play to their audience. But then there’s their real passion, about which they generally seem sincere: nationalism, limiting immigration, fighting Muslim terrorism and stopping Islamization. Sound at all familiar?
It’s also common (though not universal) among such figures to talk about preserving their nation’s “Christian heritage.” Now, it’s unimaginable that Le Pen and Wilders spend much time at an altar rail, and were Christian piety the order of the day in Western Europe, it would be easy to see them taking up the cudgels for secularism. But with already sclerotic Christian culture further threatened by a confluence of secularization and Islamization -- and with Muslim chauvinists providing stark reminders of a very unappealing alternative -- they’re inspired to become Crusaders protecting their nation’s Christian veneer.
Likewise, Trump cannot be mistaken for a desert mystic; he stated last summer that he never sought forgiveness from God (doing so is a Christian tenet), and hasn’t demonstrated much acquaintance with the faith. Yet he has also said he’s proud to be a Presbyterian, sometimes attends church and has bemoaned how Christianity is under attack in America. And whether you believe this is piety or posturing, for certain is this: it’s no surprise coming from an apparent nationalist. For being so means defending your nation’s culture, as it is, which in the West includes superficial Christianity. It means wanting to see church steeples and not minarets, crosses and not the star and crescent, and to hear church bells and not the Adhan -- even if you talk more about the Easter Bunny than Jesus.
So what accounts for the popularity in the U.S. of a “European conservative”? The same things accounting for it in across the pond. First, like Western Europe, we’re beset by a political establishment that encourages a culture-rending invasion by unassimilable peoples. And it’s just as with a “hot” invasion: all other problems are put on the back burner when barbarians are at the gate. Have you ever seen a guy wringing his hands about his daughter’s sleazy boyfriend while home invaders are busting down his door?
This helps explain why Trump is attracting support from groups most wouldn’t expect, such as evangelicals. Some find it inexplicable, but I think these believers’ attitude was reflected well by a devout Catholic man I know -- a truly faithful fellow -- who said some years back that he considered immigration an even bigger issue than abortion. His point was that all else is for naught if you’re subjected to demographic genocide and lose your nation.
Then there’s the second reason a European conservative would play well today: the US is becoming more like Europe. A not widely understood phenomenon is that the positions we generally associate with traditional American “conservatism” correlate with Christian belief. This is why church attendance is one of the best predictors of voting habits. Consider: in socialistic Western Europe, more than 50 percent of the population identifies as “irreligious.” Not surprisingly, this reaches a Richard Dawkins Award high in what’s perhaps the world’s most “liberal” country, Sweden, where 76 percent of the citizenry identifies as “not religious” or “atheist” (and how many of the rest are Muslim?). And in once-Marxist, now-fascist China, 90 percent thus label themselves.
The US isn’t yet that far gone, but we’re on the same road. According to Pew Research Center, Americans identifying as Christian declined from 78.4 percent to 70.6 percent of the population in just 7 years (2007 to 2014), and the religiously “unaffiliated” now account for almost a quarter of our nation. This just reflects the increasingly secular nature of succeeding generations: Among those born 1928 through 1945, 85 percent identify as Christian. But there is a steady degeneration of the generations, with only 56 percent of “Younger Millennials” (born ‘90 through ’96) labeling themselves so.
Yet even this paints too optimistic a picture. As this must-read Barna Group research company study found in 2002 already, only 22 percent of adults believed in Absolute Moral Truth while 64 percent said matters were “always relative to the person and their [sic] situation.” And they were practically the “wise elders”: 83 percent of the teenagers subscribed to relativism -- which is the antithesis of Christian belief -- and only 6 percent believed in Truth.
And as Barna head George Barna put it,
“[T]he alarmingly fast decline of moral foundations among our young people has culminated in a one-word worldview: 'whatever.' The result is a mentality that esteems pluralism, relativism, tolerance, and diversity without critical reflection of the implications of particular views and actions."
Put simply and as I’ve explained many times, the notion that there is no Truth means that, in essence, there are no moral rules governing man. It is then that everything boils down to occultist Aleister Crowley’s maxim, “Do what thou wilt shall be the whole of the law.”
Thus does lacking the yardstick of Truth lead to, as Barna also found, people making decisions based on what “feels right.” And now we see the rise of relativistic moderns to whom nationalism and their own culture feel right, which is certainly preferable to the dominance of relativistic moderns to whom internationalism and multiculturalism feel right. Absent acquaintance with and adherence to Truth, however, a civilization will always descend into some kind of lie. So the most we can perhaps hope for is that, to quote Yogi Berra, we won’t one day have to say, “I think I made the wrong mistake.”
Contact Selwyn Duke, follow him on Twitter or log on to SelwynDuke.com
Read more: http://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2016/01/is_trump_the_first_...
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A man who makes deals for a living does his deals in the world as he finds it. He accepts the world as it is, and tries to make the best deal possible. He doesn't try to change the world; he deals with it.
Leaders, on the other hand, such as Washington, Lincoln, and Reagan, do not accept dealing with the status quo. Reagan didn't want to deal with the Soviet Union. He wanted to destroy it. Jimmy Carter, on the other hand, believed in détente, in building relationships and making deals. He scoffed at Reagan and his inordinate fear of communism. In 1980, we wisely chose a leader, not a dealer.
A President Trump would make a lot of deals, or try to. But you don't make America great again by making deals. American greatness rests on American principles, as set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. Trump seems unfamiliar with these principles. He's more of a technician, and the fundamental law of this country is of little interest. What's that got to do with making good deals?
Trump would fit right in with the Washington deal-makers who are so contemptuous of Ted Cruz. Sen. Mitch McConnell knows how to make deals as well as Trump, and he knows how Washington works – you make deals. Like Senate majority leaders Trent Lott and Bob Dole before him, McConnell sees in Trump a man he can deal with.
In October of 2013, Cruz didn't want to deal with President Obama. He wanted to stand for the principle that only Congress has the power of the purse, and if the Congress chose not to fund Obamacare, it would not be funded, and it would die. The American people had put the Republicans back in control of the House of Representatives in 2010 in reaction to the passage of Obamacare, with the expectation that they would oppose it. Since all revenue measures must originate in the House, its refusal to fund would kill the program. Though he'd only been in the Senate for nine months, Ted Cruz was the leader of this attempt by the House to assert its constitutional authority.
Obama not only wanted Obamacare funded, but wanted a "clean" debt ceiling increase, one that did not require any spending cuts. He wound up getting everything he wanted, though there were some extraneous items added to the debt increase legislation. One in particular stood out: almost $3 billion for a dam. In Kentucky, of all places. We didn't get spending cuts; we got pork. Like Trump, Mitch McConnell knows how to deal. He had a re-election coming up in 2014 and needed to show his voters he still knew how to bring home the bacon. That's what dealers do.
It's really not hard to understand Trump's appeal. If Obama represented the "coalition of the ascendant," unmarried women, youth, and minorities, Trump represents those who seem to be descending – older, married, and white. The white working class in particular have been consciously abandoned by the Democratic Party and are well aware of it. They ask if anyone speaks for them, represents their interests, will fight on their behalf. Because Trump is so fearlessly politically incorrect, they see in him a champion.
What they want is another Reagan, and Ronald Reagan never bragged of his ability to make deals. He was a leader. The first and best example of his leadership on the domestic front was the tax cut package that was the foundation of his economic policy. Tip O'Neill ran the House with a 243-member majority. To get his bill, Reagan needed at least 25 Democrats. While he made some accommodations, he won his great victory not by making deals, but by appealing for support directly to the American people. He showed leadership, and the public responded overwhelmingly. O'Neill never knew what hit him. Reagan didn’t deal. He led.
Trump says Cruz can't make deals because nobody likes him. But Ted Cruz doesn't have to make deals if he leads. For instance, there would be no "deal" on Obamacare. It's going to be repealed. And any appropriation that contains a nickel of funding for it will be vetoed. And if the funding is in the budget and causes a government shutdown, so be it. You win by standing firm, not making deals. Mitch McConnell may never like Ted Cruz. If you think that means he'll refuse to cooperate with him as president, you have absolutely no idea of how the mind of Mitch McConnell works. Ask Kentucky's Gov. Matt Bevin about McConnell holding grudges.
Here's the deal Cruz wants with the Democrats. It's the deal Reagan wanted with the Soviet Union. We win. You lose.
Fritz Pettyjohn was chairman of Reagan for President, Alaska, in 1979-1980; is a co-founder of the Balanced Budget Amendment Task Force; and blogs daily at ReaganProject.com.
A man who makes deals for a living does his deals in the world as he finds it. He accepts the world as it is, and tries to make the best deal possible. He doesn't try to change the world; he deals with it.
Leaders, on the other hand, such as Washington, Lincoln, and Reagan, do not accept dealing with the status quo. Reagan didn't want to deal with the Soviet Union. He wanted to destroy it. Jimmy Carter, on the other hand, believed in détente, in building relationships and making deals. He scoffed at Reagan and his inordinate fear of communism. In 1980, we wisely chose a leader, not a dealer.
A President Trump would make a lot of deals, or try to. But you don't make America great again by making deals. American greatness rests on American principles, as set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. Trump seems unfamiliar with these principles. He's more of a technician, and the fundamental law of this country is of little interest. What's that got to do with making good deals?
Trump would fit right in with the Washington deal-makers who are so contemptuous of Ted Cruz. Sen. Mitch McConnell knows how to make deals as well as Trump, and he knows how Washington works – you make deals. Like Senate majority leaders Trent Lott and Bob Dole before him, McConnell sees in Trump a man he can deal with.
In October of 2013, Cruz didn't want to deal with President Obama. He wanted to stand for the principle that only Congress has the power of the purse, and if the Congress chose not to fund Obamacare, it would not be funded, and it would die. The American people had put the Republicans back in control of the House of Representatives in 2010 in reaction to the passage of Obamacare, with the expectation that they would oppose it. Since all revenue measures must originate in the House, its refusal to fund would kill the program. Though he'd only been in the Senate for nine months, Ted Cruz was the leader of this attempt by the House to assert its constitutional authority.
Obama not only wanted Obamacare funded, but wanted a "clean" debt ceiling increase, one that did not require any spending cuts. He wound up getting everything he wanted, though there were some extraneous items added to the debt increase legislation. One in particular stood out: almost $3 billion for a dam. In Kentucky, of all places. We didn't get spending cuts; we got pork. Like Trump, Mitch McConnell knows how to deal. He had a re-election coming up in 2014 and needed to show his voters he still knew how to bring home the bacon. That's what dealers do.
It's really not hard to understand Trump's appeal. If Obama represented the "coalition of the ascendant," unmarried women, youth, and minorities, Trump represents those who seem to be descending – older, married, and white. The white working class in particular have been consciously abandoned by the Democratic Party and are well aware of it. They ask if anyone speaks for them, represents their interests, will fight on their behalf. Because Trump is so fearlessly politically incorrect, they see in him a champion.
What they want is another Reagan, and Ronald Reagan never bragged of his ability to make deals. He was a leader. The first and best example of his leadership on the domestic front was the tax cut package that was the foundation of his economic policy. Tip O'Neill ran the House with a 243-member majority. To get his bill, Reagan needed at least 25 Democrats. While he made some accommodations, he won his great victory not by making deals, but by appealing for support directly to the American people. He showed leadership, and the public responded overwhelmingly. O'Neill never knew what hit him. Reagan didn’t deal. He led.
Trump says Cruz can't make deals because nobody likes him. But Ted Cruz doesn't have to make deals if he leads. For instance, there would be no "deal" on Obamacare. It's going to be repealed. And any appropriation that contains a nickel of funding for it will be vetoed. And if the funding is in the budget and causes a government shutdown, so be it. You win by standing firm, not making deals. Mitch McConnell may never like Ted Cruz. If you think that means he'll refuse to cooperate with him as president, you have absolutely no idea of how the mind of Mitch McConnell works. Ask Kentucky's Gov. Matt Bevin about McConnell holding grudges.
Here's the deal Cruz wants with the Democrats. It's the deal Reagan wanted with the Soviet Union. We win. You lose.
Fritz Pettyjohn was chairman of Reagan for President, Alaska, in 1979-1980; is a co-founder of the Balanced Budget Amendment Task Force; and blogs daily at ReaganProject.com.
Read more: http://www.americanthinker.com/blog/2016/01/want_change_look_for_a_...
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I hope to stay signed in all day today as much news is coming in and gets pushed away as more comes in...I will attempt to bring much of it throughout the day...Don't forget the next debate is tomorrow evening. Thursday 29th..my time is central so I am going for the main debate at 8pm...DVR it in and add the extensions and all the after debate shows..much more learned there....as well..........God Bless America and God Bless Ted Cruz.............He is our David against Goliath (Trump wrote the book on NASTY...........) my prayers have placed Trump into the hands of the Living God several days back............
This is the best news I have heard in awhile on the campaign. This move by Trump if he sticks to his plan to boycott the debate should improve Cruz chances of winning Iowa. That is good news because it is the first sign of a block on the Trump nomination. Should Trump lose some steam adds the potential that the other candidates can begin to make up ground just in time before the major primaries. With Cruz winning Iowa and then losing New Hampshire and South Carolina should put him out of the race. The question still remains is can Trump rebound quick enough after his first loss.
Thanks Jack...I too hope Trump is imploding and Cruz is our next POTUS.. Lord willing..............
DE, I don't think Trump is imploding I just think this move may slow his pace a little. I think it is great for Cruz because this may get him the only primary victory he will win. What I am excited about it has the potential to move these two individuals to the side and allow another candidate to push harder on the gas. I am hoping a winner will emerge.
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